Difference between revisions of "Cultural criminology"
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| − | [[Culture aspects|Culture aspects]] in urban planning can for the most part be referred to the approach of '''cultural criminology'''<ref> E.g. Garland, David (2001): The Culture of Control: Crime and Social Order in Contemporary Society. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, pp. 6-11.</ref>. In a similar vein as [[New_urbanism|New Urbanism]], cultural criminology demurs that while culture figures prominently in theoretical and practical approaches, it entails a concept of vulnerability and resilience that are based on a type of culture that is “rooted in the material predicament of the actors concerned. It eschews both a social positivism of material conditions and a cultural positivism of stasis and of essence.”<ref>Hayward, Keith/Jock Young (2007): Cultural Criminology. In: Mike Maguire/Rod Morgan/Robert Reiner (eds.): The Oxford Handbook of Criminology. 4th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 117</ref> |
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| + | [[Category:Social]] |
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| + | [[File:ae.png|25px|right|This is a page providing background in a specific field of expertise]] |
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| + | '''Cultural criminology''' is and approach to considering the broader societal contexts of crime, crime prevention, and consequences of preventive measures. It is particularly critical of [[crime prevention by design]]. |
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| − | == |
+ | ==Description== |
| + | Conversely to an overly technological approach to security, '''cultural criminology''' considers dynamic change, pluralism of values, and ethnic diversity.<ref>Garland D.: The Culture of Control: Crime and Social Order in Contemporary Society. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2001.</ref> [[Culture aspects|Culture aspects]] in urban planning can for the most part be referred to the approach of cultural criminology. |
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| − | Garland as one of the most popular proponents of the cultural criminology approach locates fear of crime as a criminological subject of study as well as a public and political concern in the context of the change of the political culture of response to crime as it took place in the Western world in the 1970ies<ref>Garland 2001: 6-11.</ref>. The decline of the ideal of rehabilitation of convicted, the emergence of new normative ideal of punitiveness and the evolution of “expressive justice” – meaning public shaming and humiliation of culprits together with overemphasizing personal feelings of the victim and public outrage over individual acts of crime – have introduced a new emotional culture into crime policy: Whereas fear of crime originally used to be investigated and politically perceived at the level of “a localized, situational anxiety, affecting the worst-off individuals and neighbourhoods”, it now became “regarded as a major social problem and a characteristic of contemporary culture.”<ref>Ibid., p. 10. </ref> Accordingly, fear of crime can be read as being a cultural factor – if not “cultural theme”<ref>Ibid. </ref> – in itself, rather than being a dependent variable in part influenced by (other) cultural factors. |
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| + | For example, fear of crime can be read as being a cultural factor in the context of the change of the political culture of response to crime. Fear of crime formerly was attributed to localised and situational anxiety, but was later recognised to be a major social problem and characterised by contemporary culture. |
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| − | This approach fits into Garland’s theoretical tenet that citizens’ knowledge and opinion about urban insecurity is “based upon collective representations rather than actual information; upon a culturally mediated experience […], rather than the thing itself.” His sum-up argument is, however, more socially rooted: that media-mediated change in cultural practices has reduced middle-class citizens’ cognitive and emotional distance from insecurity, in particular from crime.<ref>Ibid., p. 158. </ref> However, Garland goes on to identify cultural and institutional practices to construct artifacts which allow a continuation of imagined middle-class separation from crime.<ref>Ibid., p. 158-163.</ref> He illustrates his argument with examples from urban planning, especially the concept of offering citizens new middle-class type privacy in private public spaces, such a commercial malls based on architectures “to separate out different ‘types’ of people” and including commercial policing by private companies.<ref>Ibid., p. 162. </ref> This, Garland suggests, has resulted in writing the publics’ (which is in fact economically consuming middle-class citizens’ in urban areas) fear of crime into the everyday culture and associated practices of Western societies.<ref>Ibid., p. 163. </ref> |
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| + | In a similar vein as [[New_urbanism|New Urbanism]], cultural criminology entails a concept of [[vulnerability]] and [[resilience]]. |
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| − | == Symbolization, humanity and built environment == |
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| − | As Garland also argues, the victim and its fears have become a “symbolic figure”, individual victims are taken as “Everyman” and the public opinion rests on the assumption of a constant increase in crime rates met by no efficient public response, thus reducing public confidence and reinforcing the perception of certain types of victimization as symbol of the state of public safety/security affairs in general.<ref>Ibid., p. 11. </ref> The approach to “[http://%22designing_out%22_approach designing out]” crime and terrorism can be largely attributed to this symbolization tendency. |
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| + | ==Security related aspects and benefits== |
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| − | Many examples of community-enhancing constructions represent an “elitism of architectural choice”<ref>Gottdiener/Hutchinson 2011: 331.</ref> that may in the end increase societal gaps and perceptions of fear, as well as actual insecurity. Cultural criminology supports this argument from the point of view of a critique of the approach of “designing-out” (crime and terrorism) through environmental design<ref>E.g. Geason/Wilson 1989.</ref>, as for example in the case of commercial malls based on architectures “to separate out different ‘types’ of people” and related risks<ref>Garland 2001: 162.</ref>. Therefore, cultural criminologists are strong critics of the approach to designing out by certain choices of infrastructure and architecture. |
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| + | Safety measures and security installations solely based on technological approaches can be ineffective if the cultural background of crime situations remain unconsidered. For example, youth criminology in schools is raising although technical solutions are implemented. Additional social and school programs might be required. |
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| + | Often, political response is required to ease the social tension (e.g. youth unemployment). |
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| + | ==Approaches how to address it== |
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| − | Cultural criminology, in contrast, sets out to appropriately consider dynamic change, pluralism of values, ethnic diversity and, “in terms of method”, to “rescue the human actors”, among other things from an overly technological approach to security.<ref>Ibid.</ref> |
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| + | *Consider crime situation and cultural/social backgrounds; |
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| + | *Find planning solutions for socially disadvantaged (new/other recreation areas, social facilities etc.); |
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| + | *Integrate socially disadvantaged into public places; |
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| + | *Avoid exclusion of certain groups. |
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| + | ==Related subjects== |
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| − | ==References== |
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| + | * [[Culture aspects]] |
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| + | * [[New_urbanism|New Urbanism]] |
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Latest revision as of 11:33, 9 July 2013
Cultural criminology is and approach to considering the broader societal contexts of crime, crime prevention, and consequences of preventive measures. It is particularly critical of crime prevention by design.
Contents
Description
Conversely to an overly technological approach to security, cultural criminology considers dynamic change, pluralism of values, and ethnic diversity.[1] Culture aspects in urban planning can for the most part be referred to the approach of cultural criminology.
For example, fear of crime can be read as being a cultural factor in the context of the change of the political culture of response to crime. Fear of crime formerly was attributed to localised and situational anxiety, but was later recognised to be a major social problem and characterised by contemporary culture.
In a similar vein as New Urbanism, cultural criminology entails a concept of vulnerability and resilience.
Safety measures and security installations solely based on technological approaches can be ineffective if the cultural background of crime situations remain unconsidered. For example, youth criminology in schools is raising although technical solutions are implemented. Additional social and school programs might be required. Often, political response is required to ease the social tension (e.g. youth unemployment).
Approaches how to address it
- Consider crime situation and cultural/social backgrounds;
- Find planning solutions for socially disadvantaged (new/other recreation areas, social facilities etc.);
- Integrate socially disadvantaged into public places;
- Avoid exclusion of certain groups.
Related subjects
Footnotes and references
- ↑ Garland D.: The Culture of Control: Crime and Social Order in Contemporary Society. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2001.
