Security issue: Sexual assault

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In a vast majority of the cases, victims of sexual assault are female

Sexual assault is assault of a sexual nature on another person, or any sexual act committed without consent. It includes (in most jurisdictions):

  • Rape;
  • Attempted rape;
  • Child sexual abuse;
  • Elderly sexual assault;
  • Sexual harassment;
  • Groping;
  • Domestic violence; and
  • Bestiality

Each of these categories are described in more detail in the Wikipedia page on sexual assault.

Description

In the context of the Securipedia, we will focus on sexual assault by strangers in the urban public space. This precludes domestic violence and (for all practical purposes) bestiality.

Almost all (93%) sexual assaults are commuted by men and the vast majority (86%) of the victims are female.[1]

Rape is generally believed to be primarily motivated by the need of exerting power; forced sexual acts of various kinds are used to satisfy the variations of those needs. Power, anger, and control are the motives, and rape is the intent.[2]

For female victims of sexual assault, the most frequently reported locations where the most recent assault had taken place were the victim’s own or another home (40%), and a public venue (37%), such as a place of entertainment, including car parks.[1]

Contributing circumstances

Known circumstances to influence the likelihood or effect of assault, are presented in the table below:

Contributing Circumstance Influence Description
Use of alcohol and/or drugs. Increases levels of vulnerability and aggression. The use of alcohol, particularly in bars or other public places increases the risk of sexual assault in two ways. First, researchers believe alcohol decreases men’s inhibitions against using violence and increases their sexual interest, and thus their propensity to commit rape. Second, when women are intoxicated, they may pay less attention to cues that would normally alert them to potentially dangerous situations. As a result, they may fail to take precautions or may take risks that they would not otherwise take (e.g., walk home alone, accept a ride from a stranger). Further, a victim’s ability to resist an attack is compromised when she is intoxicated. In most cases of sexual assault by strangers where alcohol is involved, the victim voluntarily drinks and is not drugged or rendered intoxicated[3].
presence of disabled women Increases vulnerability. Among developmentally disabled adults, as many as 83% of the females and 32% of the males are the victims of sexual assault[4]. A study of North Carolina women found that women with disabilities were four times more likely to have experienced sexual assault in the past year than women without disabilities[5].
Abandoned/secluded areas and low traffic volumes (cars and/or pedestrians). Decreases likelihood of detection. A decreased perceived risk of detection decreases the perceived need for restraint of unwanted behaviour. Large, publicly accessible parkings are amongst the most popular locations for sexual assault[6].
Low level of social monitoring. Decreases level of social correction. A decreased perceived risk of detection and correction decreases the perceived need for restraint of unwanted behaviour[7].
Low level of physical monitoring (e.g. cameras). Decreases likelihood of detection. This reduces the possibilities of intervening and increases the likelihood of the conflict escalating. Low levels of physical monitoring contributes to less enforcement of the law, which undermines other efforts to prevent assault and other crimes occurring.
Long reaction times or inadequate action of reaction force. Decreases likelihood of apprehension Untimely or inappropriate reactions to violence lead to a perception of little control, which will increase perceived risk for the public and decrease perceived risk for the perpetrators. Also, reducing the impact of an assault (by timely intervention) will also be impossible and lead to greater effects of incidents.
Incompatible zonings. Increases of the likelihood of conflict. Incompatible zonings, and activities therein, can increase the likelihood of vulnerable groups and potential offenders meeting. The composition and compatibility of adjoining land uses should be sufficiently considered by urban planners.
Low levels of social capital. Likelihood of offences A low level of social capital within the community (trust, friendliness, civic involvement, etc) often reflects in elevated street levels of crime, including assault[8].
Affluence and deprivation. Increases the likelihood of conflict. Together with alcohol consumption, poverty is one of the few socio-economic causes that increases the risk of vulnerable groups such as women, children, adolescents and homosexuals[9] becoming victims of physical violence. The British Crime Survey reveals that areas with council flats, high unemployment and persons living alone or with many lone parent families, and areas with furnished flats and bedsits housing young single people are among the most at-risk of being burgled[10]. Affluent neighbourhoods where residents are absent for extended periods during a day or at weekends and areas with low levels of collective responsibility are particularly attractive to burglars as the risk of getting caught may be low.
  • Most of the sex offenders commit their crimes in or close to home.[11]
  • Women with disabilities are raped and abused at a rate at least twice that of the general population of women.[12]
  • Alcohol (?)

Socio-economic causes

Together with alcohol consumption, poverty is one of the few socio-economic causes that increases the risk of vulnerable groups such as women, children, adolescents and homosexuals[13] becoming victims of physical violence.

Impacts

Social impact

  • There is at least a 50 percent likelihood that a woman will develop Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) after being raped. Sexual assault is also closely associated with depression and anxiety disorders.[14]
  • Of adult American women who are raped, 31.5 percent are physically injured.[15]

Economic impact

Sexual assault leads to considerable costs in both a direct (primary) and a indirect (secondary) way[16]. Direct costs of sexual assaults come in the form of:

  • Preventive costs in anticipation of sexual assaults (e.g. private security measures)
  • Material and immaterial costs as a consequence of sexual assaults (e.g. physical damage, medical costs, mental harm); and
  • Responsive costs to sexual assaults (e.g. the costs of detection and prevention, prosecution, support trial, etc.)

Other examples of immaterial costs of sexual assaults are:

  • costs due to the emotional and physical impact on victims
  • costs due to a loss of output
  • the costs of victim Services[17].

The cost of rape and sexual assault, excluding child sexual assault, per criminal victimisation is $87,000 per year. For the victim, the average rape or attempted rape costs $5,100 in tangible, out-of-pocket expenses.[18] According to a research study by AVA (Academy on Violence and Abuse), violence and abuse also have a negative impact on the long-term health care costs, as a result of more frequent or more severe health conditions such as heart disease, diabeters, back pain, stroke, mental illness etc. [19]. This is an example of a secondary economic impact of crime.

Mobility impact

Safety impact

Measures

Measure against rape that can be influenced by urban planners are primarily addressing reducing the contributing circumstances:

  • Avoid creating places with a high likelihood of alcohol abuse
  • Avoid creating deserted spots (?)
  • Provide good transportation
  • Be especially aware of protecting vulnerable groups, such as disableds
  • Directing flows of people => avoid 'attractive' circumstances
  • Surveillance
  • Reaction force

Footnotes and references

  1. 1.0 1.1 http://www.secasa.com.au/assets/Statstics/national-crime-and-safety-australia-2002.pdf
  2. Savino, J., and B. Turvey (2005). Rape Investigation Handbook. Burlington, MA: Elsevier
  3. [http://www.popcenter.org/problems/sex_assault_women/ Dedel Kelly, Sexual Assault of Women by Strangers, Problem-Oriented Guides for Police, Guide No. 62, August 2011}
  4. Stimson, L and Best MC. “Courage Above All,” Sexual Assault Against Women with Disabilities., Toronto Disabled Women’s Network, Canada, 1991.
  5. Martin, Sandra L et al., Physical and Sexual Assault of Women With Disabilities, in: Violence against women 2006; 12; 823
  6. Austrial Bureau of Statistics, Crime and Safety, april 2002
  7. Australian Bureau of statistics, Crime and safety, april 2002
  8. Eibner, C. and Evan, W. (2001) Relative Deprivation, Poor Health Habits and Mortality. Available at: http://wws-roxen.princeton.edu/chwpapers/papers/eibner_evans.pdf
  9. See e.g.: Straus, M.A, and R.J. Gelles (2009); Zavaschi, M.Z. et al. (2002) http://www.scielosp.org/scielo.php?pid=S1020-49892002001100006&script=sci_arttext&tlng=es; Huebner, D.M. et al. (2003) http://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/full/10.2105/AJPH.94.7.1200
  10. Haining, Prof. R. (2010) Analysing Crime Patterns. Available at: http://www.guardianpublic.co.uk/crime-data-burglaries-comment
  11. Spatial patterns of sex offenders: Theoretical, empirical, and practical issues Eric Beauregard, Jean Proulx, D. Kim Rossmo; Agression and Violent Behavior 10 (2005) 579-603
  12. Sobsey. D, 1994. “Violence and Abuse in the Lives of People with Disabilities,” The End of Silent Acceptance, Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brooks Publishing Co, Inc.
  13. See e.g.: Straus, M.A, and R.J. Gelles (2009); Zavaschi, M.Z. et al. (2002) http://www.scielosp.org/scielo.php?pid=S1020-49892002001100006&script=sci_arttext&tlng=es; Huebner, D.M. et al. (2003) http://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/full/10.2105/AJPH.94.7.1200
  14. “Populations Reports: Ending Violence Against Women” Populations Information Program, Center for Communication Programs. The Johns Hopkins University School of Public Health, December 1999.
  15. Tjaden, P, Thoennes N. Full Report of the Prevalence, Incidence, and Consequences of Violence Against Women: Findings from the National Violence Against Women Survey, Washington (DC): National Institute of Justice; 2000. Report NCJ 183781.
  16. Primary economic impact (or direct effects) are generally defined as the initial, immediate economic output generated by a specific cause (in this case a criminal offence). Secondary economic impact (or indirect effects) are generated each time a subsequent transaction is made, for example, the impact of crime on the real estate value in the neighbourhood.
  17. Brand, S. and R. Price (2000). The Economic and Social Costs of Crime. Home Office Research Study 217
  18. Milled, Ted, et al. Victims Costs and Consequences: A New Look, National Institute of Justice Report, US Department of Justice, 1996.
  19. AVA (2009). Hidden Costs in Health Care: The Economic Impact of Violence and Abuse