Security issue: Sexual assault - Revision history

Hans: /* Social impact */

2013-12-10T14:17:52Z

Social impact

Hans: /* Social impact */

2013-12-10T14:16:01Z

Social impact

John P: /* Economic impact */

2013-11-15T15:45:35Z

Economic impact

John P: /* Economic impact */

2013-11-15T15:44:23Z

Economic impact

John P: /* Economic impact */

2013-11-15T15:43:51Z

Economic impact

John P: /* Economic impact */

2013-11-15T15:43:25Z

Economic impact

Olav: /* Contributing circumstances */

2013-07-29T19:01:22Z

Contributing circumstances

Olav: /* Contributing circumstances */

2013-07-29T19:00:01Z

Contributing circumstances

Olav: /* Measures */

2013-07-29T18:51:17Z

Measures

Olav: /* Economic impact */

2013-07-29T18:50:37Z

Economic impact

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 *Research has shown that women regularly feel vulnerable in their local communities and in public spaces as a consequence of the fear of rape<ref>Brownmiller, 1975; Ferraro, 1996; Gordon & Riger, 1989; Koskela & Pain, 2000; Pain, 1991; Stanko, 1985, 1990; Valentine, 1989; Warr, 1985</ref>.
 *Work life may also be disrupted, due to avoidance of social situations and feelings of low self-worth and self-doubt<ref>Morrison, Quadara, & Boyd, 2007</ref>.
-The reactions of family, friends and partners can help or hinder the recovery of the victim/survivor. Negative reactions can lead to avoidant coping styles associated with less successful recovery, while supportive reactions can assist with recovery and healing <ref>Littleton & Breitkopf, 2006</ref>.
+*The reactions of family, friends and partners can help or hinder the recovery of the victim/survivor. Negative reactions can lead to avoidant coping styles associated with less successful recovery, while supportive reactions can assist with recovery and healing <ref>Littleton & Breitkopf, 2006</ref>.
 *The criminal justice system and health service providers (including counsellors) can also contribute to what has been termed "the second rape". This is when victim/survivors receive victim-blaming, disbelieving and/or minimizing responses to their disclosure, or do not receive the services they need <ref>Ahrens, 2006</ref>. Such victimization is likely to exacerbate existing psychological distress and delay recovery from the initial trauma <ref>Campbell & Raja, 1999, cited in Astbury, 2006</ref>.
 *Sexual assault also affects partners, children, family and friends of the victim/survivor, as well as the wider community:

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 == Impacts ==
 ===Social impact===
+Psychological and emotional impact of sexual assault can be described as immediate and short-term impacts, medium-to-long-term impacts, and forms of trauma and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)<ref> http://www.aifs.gov.au/acssa/pubs/sheets/rs2/</ref>. Besides, psychological, emotional and physical impacts, we also can distinguish social and community impacts, because sexual assault can impact on the way the victim/survivor interacts with those close to them and the community as a whole.
-There is at least a 50 percent likelihood that a woman will develop Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) after being raped. Sexual assault is also closely associated with depression and anxiety disorders.<ref>“Populations Reports: Ending Violence Against Women” Populations Information Program, Center for Communication Programs. The Johns Hopkins University School of Public Health, December 1999.</ref> Of adult American women who are raped, 31.5 percent are physically injured.<ref>Tjaden, P, Thoennes N. Full Report of the Prevalence, Incidence, and Consequences of Violence Against Women: Findings from the National Violence Against Women Survey, Washington (DC): National Institute of Justice; 2000. Report NCJ 183781.</ref> These examplary facts show how sexual assault can have overall impact on society, such as reducing societal resilience by resulting in mental disorder or bodily harm of a significant amount of members of society.
+*Interpersonal relationships with intimate partners, as well as friendships and family relationships, can all be affected following sexual assault. Difficulties with communication, intimacy, trust, sexual relations and enjoyment of social activities can all be adversely affected. Over-protectiveness of the victim may also be an issue<ref>Crome & McCabe, 1995</ref>.
+*Women may particularly avoid social situations with men, due to a heightened awareness of the potential for violence that some men are capable of.
+*Research has shown that women regularly feel vulnerable in their local communities and in public spaces as a consequence of the fear of rape<ref>Brownmiller, 1975; Ferraro, 1996; Gordon & Riger, 1989; Koskela & Pain, 2000; Pain, 1991; Stanko, 1985, 1990; Valentine, 1989; Warr, 1985</ref>.
+*Work life may also be disrupted, due to avoidance of social situations and feelings of low self-worth and self-doubt<ref>Morrison, Quadara, & Boyd, 2007</ref>.
+The reactions of family, friends and partners can help or hinder the recovery of the victim/survivor. Negative reactions can lead to avoidant coping styles associated with less successful recovery, while supportive reactions can assist with recovery and healing <ref>Littleton & Breitkopf, 2006</ref>.
+*The criminal justice system and health service providers (including counsellors) can also contribute to what has been termed "the second rape". This is when victim/survivors receive victim-blaming, disbelieving and/or minimizing responses to their disclosure, or do not receive the services they need <ref>Ahrens, 2006</ref>. Such victimization is likely to exacerbate existing psychological distress and delay recovery from the initial trauma <ref>Campbell & Raja, 1999, cited in Astbury, 2006</ref>.
+*Sexual assault also affects partners, children, family and friends of the victim/survivor, as well as the wider community:
+*Non-perpetrator family members, partners, friends and children of victim/survivors can be affected by a sexual assault and its aftermath; these people are sometimes referred to as "secondary victims". Secondary victims often experience the effects of trauma as well, sometimes with similar symptoms to those of primary victims, while knowledge of a traumatising event experienced by a significant other is itself traumatic - this is secondary trauma <ref>Morrison et al., 2007</ref>.
 === Economic impact ===

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 The [[Economic effects of crime#primary costs of crime|direct costs]] of a sexual assault is for a major part (±90%)<ref>Home Office, Research, Development and Statistics Directorate (2005): The economic and social costs of crime against individuals and households 2003/04.</ref> attributable to the monetary value of inflicted harm to the victim (most of all in terms of mental and physical harm). Moreover, sexual assaults cause responsive costs by the public authorities who are responsible for the prosecution, trial and enforcement of the offender(s).<ref>In general, there are three types of costs of crime: Preventive costs in anticipation of assaults (e.g. private security measures); material and immaterial costs as a consequence of assaults (e.g. physical damage, repairs, medical costs, [[Victimization|mental harm]]); and responsive costs to assaults (e.g. the costs of detection and prevention, prosecution, support trial, etc.)</ref> There are hardly any prevention costs from a macro-economic point of view in terms of insurance fees, but there are some intangible costs such as prevention measures taken by individuals, who, for example, after a night out take a taxi home in stead of walking home by themselves.<ref name="quant">These costs are very hard to quantify since they also serve other goals. Driving home by taxi, for instance, is not just safer, but also more comfortable than by foot or bike.</ref>.
-A British Home Office (2005)<ref name="quant"/> study illustrates that the average cost per sexual assault is much higher (about 30 times) than a common assault. This is the direct result of the physical and emotional impact on direct victims. The average costs of rape and sexual assault, excluding child sexual assault, per criminal victimisation is $87,000 per year <ref name="MilledT">Milled, Ted, et al. Victims Costs and Consequences: A New Look, National Institute of Justice Report, US Department of Justice, 1996.</ref>. For the victim, the average rape or attempted rape costs $5,100 in tangible, out-of-pocket expenses.<ref name="MilledT"/>
+A British Home Office (2005)<ref name="quant"/> study illustrates that the average cost per sexual assault is much higher (about 30 times) than a common assault. This is the direct result of the physical and emotional impact on direct victims. The average costs of rape and sexual assault, excluding child sexual assault, per criminal victimisation is $87,000 per year <ref name="MilledT">Milled, Ted, et al. (1996): Victims Costs and Consequences: A New Look, National Institute of Justice Report, US Department of Justice.</ref>. For the victim, the average rape or attempted rape costs $5,100 in tangible, out-of-pocket expenses.<ref name="MilledT"/>
 In addition, sexual assaults do not just create costs for the victim and public authorities, but can also have a negative impact on the whole area or local community, the so-called [[Economic effects of crime#Secondary economic impact of crime|secondary economic impact of crime]]. According to a research study by AVA (Academy on Violence and Abuse), violence and abuse also have a negative impact on the long-term health care costs, as a result of more frequent or more severe health conditions such as heart disease, diabetes, back pain, stroke, mental illness etc. <ref>AVA (2009): Hidden Costs in Health Care: The Economic Impact of Violence and Abuse</ref>. This is an example of a [[Economic effects of crime#Secondary economic impact of crime|secondary economic impact of crime]].

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 The [[Economic effects of crime#primary costs of crime|direct costs]] of a sexual assault is for a major part (±90%)<ref>Home Office, Research, Development and Statistics Directorate (2005): The economic and social costs of crime against individuals and households 2003/04.</ref> attributable to the monetary value of inflicted harm to the victim (most of all in terms of mental and physical harm). Moreover, sexual assaults cause responsive costs by the public authorities who are responsible for the prosecution, trial and enforcement of the offender(s).<ref>In general, there are three types of costs of crime: Preventive costs in anticipation of assaults (e.g. private security measures); material and immaterial costs as a consequence of assaults (e.g. physical damage, repairs, medical costs, [[Victimization|mental harm]]); and responsive costs to assaults (e.g. the costs of detection and prevention, prosecution, support trial, etc.)</ref> There are hardly any prevention costs from a macro-economic point of view in terms of insurance fees, but there are some intangible costs such as prevention measures taken by individuals, who, for example, after a night out take a taxi home in stead of walking home by themselves.<ref name="quant">These costs are very hard to quantify since they also serve other goals. Driving home by taxi, for instance, is not just safer, but also more comfortable than by foot or bike.</ref>.
-A Home Office (2005)<ref name="quant"/> study illustrates that the average cost per sexual assault is much higher (about 30 times) than a common assault. This is the direct result of the physical and emotional impact on direct victims. The average costs of rape and sexual assault, excluding child sexual assault, per criminal victimisation is $87,000 per year <ref name="MilledT">Milled, Ted, et al. Victims Costs and Consequences: A New Look, National Institute of Justice Report, US Department of Justice, 1996.</ref>. For the victim, the average rape or attempted rape costs $5,100 in tangible, out-of-pocket expenses.<ref name="MilledT"/>
+A British Home Office (2005)<ref name="quant"/> study illustrates that the average cost per sexual assault is much higher (about 30 times) than a common assault. This is the direct result of the physical and emotional impact on direct victims. The average costs of rape and sexual assault, excluding child sexual assault, per criminal victimisation is $87,000 per year <ref name="MilledT">Milled, Ted, et al. Victims Costs and Consequences: A New Look, National Institute of Justice Report, US Department of Justice, 1996.</ref>. For the victim, the average rape or attempted rape costs $5,100 in tangible, out-of-pocket expenses.<ref name="MilledT"/>
 In addition, sexual assaults do not just create costs for the victim and public authorities, but can also have a negative impact on the whole area or local community, the so-called [[Economic effects of crime#Secondary economic impact of crime|secondary economic impact of crime]]. According to a research study by AVA (Academy on Violence and Abuse), violence and abuse also have a negative impact on the long-term health care costs, as a result of more frequent or more severe health conditions such as heart disease, diabetes, back pain, stroke, mental illness etc. <ref>AVA (2009): Hidden Costs in Health Care: The Economic Impact of Violence and Abuse</ref>. This is an example of a [[Economic effects of crime#Secondary economic impact of crime|secondary economic impact of crime]].

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 === Economic impact ===
-The [[Economic effects of crime#primary costs of crime|direct costs]] of a sexual assault is for a major part (±90%)<ref>Home Office, Research, Development and Statistics Directorate (2005): The economic and social costs of crime against individuals and households 2003/04.</ref> attributable to the monetary value of inflicted harm to the victim (most of all in terms of mental and physical harm). Moreover, sexual assaults cause responsive costs by the public authorities who are responsible for the prosecution, trial and enforcement of the offender(s).<ref>In general, there are three types of costs of crime: Preventive costs in anticipation of assaults (e.g. private security measures); material and immaterial costs as a consequence of assaults (e.g. physical damage, repairs, medical costs, [[Victimization|mental harm]]); and responsive costs to assaults (e.g. the costs of detection and prevention, prosecution, support trial, etc.)</ref> There are hardly any prevention costs from a macro-economic point of view in terms of insurance fees, but there are some intangible costs such as prevention measures taken by individuals, who, for example, after a night out take a taxi home in stead of walking home by themselves.<ref name="quant">These costs are very hard to quantify since they also serve other goals. Driving home by taxi, for instance, is not just safer but also more comfortable than by foot or bike.</ref>.
+The [[Economic effects of crime#primary costs of crime|direct costs]] of a sexual assault is for a major part (±90%)<ref>Home Office, Research, Development and Statistics Directorate (2005): The economic and social costs of crime against individuals and households 2003/04.</ref> attributable to the monetary value of inflicted harm to the victim (most of all in terms of mental and physical harm). Moreover, sexual assaults cause responsive costs by the public authorities who are responsible for the prosecution, trial and enforcement of the offender(s).<ref>In general, there are three types of costs of crime: Preventive costs in anticipation of assaults (e.g. private security measures); material and immaterial costs as a consequence of assaults (e.g. physical damage, repairs, medical costs, [[Victimization|mental harm]]); and responsive costs to assaults (e.g. the costs of detection and prevention, prosecution, support trial, etc.)</ref> There are hardly any prevention costs from a macro-economic point of view in terms of insurance fees, but there are some intangible costs such as prevention measures taken by individuals, who, for example, after a night out take a taxi home in stead of walking home by themselves.<ref name="quant">These costs are very hard to quantify since they also serve other goals. Driving home by taxi, for instance, is not just safer, but also more comfortable than by foot or bike.</ref>.
 A Home Office (2005)<ref name="quant"/> study illustrates that the average cost per sexual assault is much higher (about 30 times) than a common assault. This is the direct result of the physical and emotional impact on direct victims. The average costs of rape and sexual assault, excluding child sexual assault, per criminal victimisation is $87,000 per year <ref name="MilledT">Milled, Ted, et al. Victims Costs and Consequences: A New Look, National Institute of Justice Report, US Department of Justice, 1996.</ref>. For the victim, the average rape or attempted rape costs $5,100 in tangible, out-of-pocket expenses.<ref name="MilledT"/>

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 | High levels of sexual assault in the vicinity || Increases likelihood of targeting. || The distance to known places where offenders live matters. On average, robbers travel 2,1 km to commit their crimes<ref>Beauregarda Eric T, Proulxb Jean, D., Rossmoc Kim A., ''Spatial patterns of sex offenders: Theoretical, empirical, and practical issues'', Aggression and Violent Behavior 10 (2005) 579–603</ref>, and the chance of a neighbourhood to be chosen reduces with every km distance from the offender's home.
 |-
-| Incompatible zonings. || Increases of the likelihood of conflict. || Incompatible zonings, and activities therein, can increase the likelihood of vulnerable groups and potential offenders meeting. The composition and compatibility of adjoining land uses should be sufficiently considered by urban planners.
+| Incompatible zonings || Increases of the likelihood of conflict. || Incompatible zonings, and activities therein, can increase the likelihood of vulnerable groups and potential offenders meeting. The composition and compatibility of adjoining land uses should be sufficiently considered by urban planners.
 |-
 | Low levels of social capital || Likelihood of offences. || A low level of [[Wikipedia:social capital|social capital]] within the community (trust, friendliness, civic involvement, etc) often reflects in elevated street levels of crime, including (sexual) assault<ref>Eibner, C. and Evan, W. (2001) Relative Deprivation, Poor Health Habits and Mortality. Available at: http://wws-roxen.princeton.edu/chwpapers/papers/eibner_evans.pdf</ref>.

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 ! width=150 | Contributing Circumstance !!width=150| Influence !! Description
 |-
-| Use of alcohol and/or drugs. || Increases levels of vulnerability and aggression. || The use of alcohol, particularly in bars or other public places increases the risk of sexual assault in two ways. First, researchers believe alcohol decreases men’s inhibitions against using violence and increases their sexual interest, and thus their propensity to commit rape. Second, when women are intoxicated, they may pay less attention to cues that would normally alert them to potentially dangerous situations. As a result, they may fail to take precautions or may take risks that they would not otherwise take (e.g., walk home alone, accept a ride from a stranger). Further, a victim’s ability to resist an attack is compromised when she is intoxicated. In most cases of sexual assault by strangers where alcohol is involved, the victim voluntarily drinks and is not drugged or rendered intoxicated<ref name="dedel">[http://www.popcenter.org/problems/sex_assault_women/ Dedel Kelly, ''Sexual Assault of Women by Strangers'', Problem-Oriented Guides for Police, Guide No. 62, August 2011}</ref>.
+| Use of alcohol and/or drugs || Increases levels of vulnerability and aggression. || The use of alcohol, particularly in bars or other public places increases the risk of sexual assault in two ways. First, researchers believe alcohol decreases men’s inhibitions against using violence and increases their sexual interest, and thus their propensity to commit rape. Second, when women are intoxicated, they may pay less attention to cues that would normally alert them to potentially dangerous situations. As a result, they may fail to take precautions or may take risks that they would not otherwise take (e.g., walk home alone, accept a ride from a stranger). Further, a victim’s ability to resist an attack is compromised when she is intoxicated. In most cases of sexual assault by strangers where alcohol is involved, the victim voluntarily drinks and is not drugged or rendered intoxicated<ref name="dedel">[http://www.popcenter.org/problems/sex_assault_women/ Dedel Kelly, ''Sexual Assault of Women by Strangers'', Problem-Oriented Guides for Police, Guide No. 62, August 2011}</ref>.
 |-
 | Presence of disabled women || Increases vulnerability. || Among developmentally disabled adults, as many as 83% of the females and 32% of the males are the victims of sexual assault<ref>Stimson, L and Best MC. ''“Courage Above All,” Sexual Assault Against Women with Disabilities.'', Toronto Disabled
 Women’s Network, Canada, 1991.</ref>. A study of North Carolina women found that women with disabilities were four times more likely to have experienced sexual assault in the past year than women without disabilities<ref>[http://web.usu.edu/saavi/docs/physical_sexual_assault_women_disabilities_823.pdf Martin, Sandra L et al., ''Physical and Sexual Assault of Women With Disabilities'', in: Violence against women 2006; 12; 823]</ref>.
 |-
-| Abandoned/secluded areas and low traffic volumes (cars and/or pedestrians). || Decreases likelihood of detection. || A decreased perceived risk of detection decreases the perceived need for restraint of unwanted behaviour. Deserted, out-of-sight locations and large, publicly accessible parkings are amongst the most popular locations for sexual assault<ref name="australia"/>.
+| Abandoned/secluded areas and low traffic volumes (cars and/or pedestrians) || Decreases likelihood of detection. || A decreased perceived risk of detection decreases the perceived need for restraint of unwanted behaviour. Deserted, out-of-sight locations and large, publicly accessible parkings are amongst the most popular locations for sexual assault<ref name="australia"/>.
 |-
-| Low level of social monitoring. || Decreases level of social correction. || A decreased perceived risk of detection and correction decreases the perceived need for restraint of unwanted behaviour<ref name="australia"/>.
+| Low level of social monitoring || Decreases level of social correction. || A decreased perceived risk of detection and correction decreases the perceived need for restraint of unwanted behaviour<ref name="australia"/>.
 |-
-| Low level of physical monitoring (e.g. cameras). || Decreases likelihood of detection. || This reduces the possibilities of intervening and increases the likelihood of the conflict escalating. Low levels of physical monitoring contributes to less enforcement of the law, which undermines other efforts to prevent assault and other crimes occurring.
+| Low level of physical monitoring (e.g. cameras) || Decreases likelihood of detection. || This reduces the possibilities of intervening and increases the likelihood of the conflict escalating. Low levels of physical monitoring contributes to less enforcement of the law, which undermines other efforts to prevent assault and other crimes occurring.
 |-
-| Long reaction times or inadequate action of intervention force. || Decreases likelihood of apprehension || Untimely or inappropriate reactions to violence lead to a perception of little control, which will increase perceived risk for the public and decrease perceived risk for the perpetrators. Also, reducing the impact of an assault (by timely intervention) will also be impossible and lead to greater effects of incidents.
+| Long reaction times or inadequate action of intervention force || Decreases likelihood of apprehension || Untimely or inappropriate reactions to violence lead to a perception of little control, which will increase perceived risk for the public and decrease perceived risk for the perpetrators. Also, reducing the impact of an assault (by timely intervention) will also be impossible and lead to greater effects of incidents.
 |-
 | High levels of unemployment || Increases likelihood of targeting || High levels of unemployment are correlated with higher levels of property crime <ref>Kepple NJ, Freisthler B., ''Exploring the ecological association between crime and medical marijuana dispensaries.'',J Stud Alcohol Drugs. 2012 Jul;73(4):523-30</ref>.
 |-
-| High levels of sexual assault in the vicinity. || Increases likelihood of targeting. || The distance to known places where offenders live matters. On average, robbers travel 2,1 km to commit their crimes<ref>Beauregarda Eric T, Proulxb Jean, D., Rossmoc Kim A., ''Spatial patterns of sex offenders: Theoretical, empirical, and practical issues'', Aggression and Violent Behavior 10 (2005) 579–603</ref>, and the chance of a neighbourhood to be chosen reduces with every km distance from the offender's home.
+| High levels of sexual assault in the vicinity || Increases likelihood of targeting. || The distance to known places where offenders live matters. On average, robbers travel 2,1 km to commit their crimes<ref>Beauregarda Eric T, Proulxb Jean, D., Rossmoc Kim A., ''Spatial patterns of sex offenders: Theoretical, empirical, and practical issues'', Aggression and Violent Behavior 10 (2005) 579–603</ref>, and the chance of a neighbourhood to be chosen reduces with every km distance from the offender's home.
 |-
 | Incompatible zonings. || Increases of the likelihood of conflict. || Incompatible zonings, and activities therein, can increase the likelihood of vulnerable groups and potential offenders meeting. The composition and compatibility of adjoining land uses should be sufficiently considered by urban planners.
 |-
-| Low levels of social capital. || Likelihood of offences || A low level of [[Wikipedia:social capital|social capital]] within the community (trust, friendliness, civic involvement, etc) often reflects in elevated street levels of crime, including (sexual) assault<ref>Eibner, C. and Evan, W. (2001) Relative Deprivation, Poor Health Habits and Mortality. Available at: http://wws-roxen.princeton.edu/chwpapers/papers/eibner_evans.pdf</ref>.
+| Low levels of social capital || Likelihood of offences. || A low level of [[Wikipedia:social capital|social capital]] within the community (trust, friendliness, civic involvement, etc) often reflects in elevated street levels of crime, including (sexual) assault<ref>Eibner, C. and Evan, W. (2001) Relative Deprivation, Poor Health Habits and Mortality. Available at: http://wws-roxen.princeton.edu/chwpapers/papers/eibner_evans.pdf</ref>.
 |-
-| Presence of excitement. || Unknown || Places of entertainment are locations that are frequently reported in Sexual assaults<ref name="australia"/>.
+| Presence of excitement || Unknown. || Places of entertainment are locations that are frequently reported in Sexual assaults<ref name="australia"/>.
 |}

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 == Measures ==
-Potential measures that can mitigate the risk of sexual assault and that can be taken or influenced by urban planners include:
+Potential measures that can mitigate the risk of sexual assault and that can be taken into account or influenced by urban planners include:
 * [[Measure: Directing traffic flows|Directing traffic flows]] can be effective in separating potential offenders from vulnerable groups and/or locations less controlled or controllable. Providing safe access and exit routes to and from entertainment districts, by various modes (such as on foot, bycycle, bus) can reduce the number of opportunities for sexual assault<ref name="dedel"/>.
 * [[Measure: Surveillance|Surveillance]] can be effective as most researchers believe that sexual assaults take place in relatively isolated areas where the risk of intervention by bystanders is limited <ref name="dedel"/>. A highly visible form of surveillance can raise the perceived risk and act as an inhibitor. Both electronic and natural surveillance and patrols can be effective.

@@ Line 59: / Line 59: @@
 === Economic impact ===
-The [[Economic effects of crime#primary costs of crime|direct costs]] of a sexual assault is for a major part (±90%)<ref>Home Office, Research, Development and Statistics Directorate (2005). The economic and social costs of crime against individuals and households 2003/04.</ref> attributable to the monetary value of inflicted harm to the victim (most of all in terms of mental and physical harm). Moreover, sexual assaults cause responsive costs by the public authorities who are responsible for the prosecution, trial and enforcement of the offender(s).<ref>In general, there are three types of costs of crime: Preventive costs in anticipation of assaults (e.g. private security measures); material and immaterial costs as a consequence of assaults (e.g. physical damage, repairs, medical costs, [[Victimization|mental harm]]); and responsive costs to assaults (e.g. the costs of detection and prevention, prosecution, support trial, etc.)</ref> There are hardly any prevention costs from a macro-economic point of view in terms of insurance fees, but there are some intangible costs such as prevention measures taken by individuals, who, for example, after a night out take a taxi home in stead of walking home by themselves.<ref>These costs are very hard to quantify since they also serve other goals. Driving home by taxi, for instance, is not just safer but also more comfortable than by foot or bike.</ref>.
+The [[Economic effects of crime#primary costs of crime|direct costs]] of a sexual assault is for a major part (±90%)<ref>Home Office, Research, Development and Statistics Directorate (2005). The economic and social costs of crime against individuals and households 2003/04.</ref> attributable to the monetary value of inflicted harm to the victim (most of all in terms of mental and physical harm). Moreover, sexual assaults cause responsive costs by the public authorities who are responsible for the prosecution, trial and enforcement of the offender(s).<ref>In general, there are three types of costs of crime: Preventive costs in anticipation of assaults (e.g. private security measures); material and immaterial costs as a consequence of assaults (e.g. physical damage, repairs, medical costs, [[Victimization|mental harm]]); and responsive costs to assaults (e.g. the costs of detection and prevention, prosecution, support trial, etc.)</ref> There are hardly any prevention costs from a macro-economic point of view in terms of insurance fees, but there are some intangible costs such as prevention measures taken by individuals, who, for example, after a night out take a taxi home in stead of walking home by themselves.<ref name="quant">These costs are very hard to quantify since they also serve other goals. Driving home by taxi, for instance, is not just safer but also more comfortable than by foot or bike.</ref>.
-A Home Office (2005)<ref>Ibid</ref> study illustrates that the average cost per sexual assault is much higher (about 30 times) than a common assault. This is the direct result of the physical and emotional impact on direct victims. The average costs of rape and sexual assault, excluding child sexual assault, per criminal victimisation is $87,000 per year <ref>Milled, Ted, et al. Victims Costs and Consequences: A New Look, National Institute of Justice Report, US Department of Justice, 1996.</ref>. For the victim, the average rape or attempted rape costs $5,100 in tangible, out-of-pocket expenses<ref>Ibid.</ref>.
+A Home Office (2005)<ref name="quant"/> study illustrates that the average cost per sexual assault is much higher (about 30 times) than a common assault. This is the direct result of the physical and emotional impact on direct victims. The average costs of rape and sexual assault, excluding child sexual assault, per criminal victimisation is $87,000 per year <ref name="MilledT">Milled, Ted, et al. Victims Costs and Consequences: A New Look, National Institute of Justice Report, US Department of Justice, 1996.</ref>. For the victim, the average rape or attempted rape costs $5,100 in tangible, out-of-pocket expenses.<ref name="MilledT"/>
 In addition, sexual assaults do not just create costs for the victim and public authorities, but can also have a negative impact on the whole area or local community, the so-called [[Economic effects of crime#Secondary economic impact of crime|secondary economic impact of crime]]. According to a research study by AVA (Academy on Violence and Abuse), violence and abuse also have a negative impact on the long-term health care costs, as a result of more frequent or more severe health conditions such as heart disease, diabetes, back pain, stroke, mental illness etc. <ref>AVA (2009). Hidden Costs in Health Care: The Economic Impact of Violence and Abuse</ref>. This is an example of a [[Economic effects of crime#Secondary economic impact of crime|secondary economic impact of crime]].